「アンジュー帝国」という言葉は1887年にケイト・ノーゲイトが出版した『England under the Angevin Kings』で初めて使われた[5]。フランスでは「Espace Plantagenêt」(プランタジネット朝の領域)は時々、プランタジネット家が支配した封土に関する記述として用いられる[6]。
大アンジュー[21]では例えばプレヴォ(代官)en:prévotsやセネシャル(家令)en:seneschalsといった2つの種類の役人によって統治されていた。これらの役人・役所はトゥールーズ、シノン、ボージェ、ボーフォール、ブリッサク、アンジェ、ソミュール、ルーダン、ロシュ、ランゲー、モンバゾンなどに設置されていた。しかしながら他の地域ではプランタジネット家の行政下に置かれておらず、他の一門によって統治されていた。例えばメーヌは当初は大部分の地域が自治され、行政機構を欠いていた(他の家門が統治している地域にはアンジュー家は介入できなかった)。そこでプランタジネット家はル・マンのセネシャルseneschal of Le Mansに代表されるような新しい行政官を任じることによって行政機構の改善を図ろうと努めた。これらの改善策は余りにも遅過ぎたが、カペー家が大アンジューを吸収した後にその恩恵に与ることになった。[22]
イギリス王室の標語である「Dieu et mon droit」(神とわが権利)はリチャード1世が主張したが、アンジュー家の君主は当時、三頭の獅子(この獅子はヒョウともされる)を紋章として用いた。たとえ、この紋章が最初にイングランドで用いられなかったとしても(三頭の獅子紋は政治的な物ではなくプランタジネット家が個人的な紋章として使われた)、今日では普通にイングランドと結び付けられる。ノルマンディーとアキテーヌでは同時にヒョウが旗として使われていたが、ノルマンディーの象徴は最も古い物である。
^
The term imperium is used at least once in the 12th century, in the Dialogus de Scaccari (c. 1179),
Per longa terrarum spatia triumphali victoria suum dilataverit imperium (Canchy, England, p. 118; Holt, 'The End of the Anglo-Norman Realm', p. 229). Some 20th-century historians have avoided the term empire,
Robert-Henri Bautier (1984) used espace Plantagenêt, Jean Favier used complexe féodal.
Empire Plantagenêt nevertheless remains current in French historiography.
Aurell, Martin (2003). L'Empire des Plantagenêt, 1154–1224. Perrin. pp. 1. ISBN9782262019853
^Martin Aurell - L'empire des Plantagenêt page 11: En 1984, résumant les communications d'un colloque franco-anglais tenu à Fontevraud (Anjou), lieu de mémoire par excellence des Plantagenêt, Robert Henri-Bautier, coté français, n'est pas en reste, proposant, pour cette "juxtaposition d'entités" sans "aucune structure commune" de substituer l'imprécis "espace" aux trop contraignants "Empire Plantagenêt" ou "État anglo-angevin".
^Definition of "Angevin" from "Laboratoire d'Analyse et de Traitement Informatique de la Langue Française".
^"Capetian France 937 - 1328" Editions Longman page 221: "Closer investigation suggests that several of these assumptions are unfounded. One is that the Angevin dominions ever formed an empire in any sense of the word."
^David Carpenter "The Struggle for Mastery" page 191: "England and Normandy were now part of a much larger political entity which historians often call (without any precise constitutional meaning) the 'Angevin Empire'."
^The Angevin Empire page 3: "Unquestionably if used in conjunction with atlases in which Henry II's lands are coloured red, it is a dangerous term, for the overtones of the British Empire are unavoidable and politically crass. But in ordinary English usage 'empire' can mean nothing more specific than an extensive territory, especially an aggregate of many states, ruled over by a single ruler. When coupled with 'Angevin', it should, if anything, imply a French rather than a 'British' Empire."
^Martin Aurell "L'empire des Plantagenet" page 10: Il n'empêche que des réticences ont naguère été exprimées par quelques historiens. Elles contiennent leur part de vérité, et ont le mérite de nuancer un problème complexe. D'abord elles proviennent de ceux qui considèrent que le terme "empire" devrait être réservé à l'Empire Romano-Germanique, seule réalité institutionelle de l'Occident mediéval nommée explicitement par les sources d'époque
^Martin Aurell - L'empire des Plantagenet page 10: Plus solides, d'autres critiques émanent, ensuite, de spécialistes du droit et de la science politique pour qui l'étendue des domaines d'Henri II, si impressionnante soit-elle pour le XIIème siècle, fait bien pâle figure en comparaison des vastes Empires helléniques, romains, byzantins, abbasside, ottoman ou Habsbourg, sans mentionner les empires coloniaux du XIXème siècle.
^Capetian France page 222: "As for the idea that the Plantagenet lands were seen as an empire, in the sense of a political unit, there is no substance for this usage in contemporary thought. Why do we need to use this term at all? Henry II and Richard I did not do so."
^Martin Aurell - L'empire des Plantagenet page 10: Dans "le dialogue sur l'échiquier" (vers 1179), un ouvrage technique sur le principal organe financier de l'Angleterre, rédigé par l'évêque de Londres et trésorier d'Henri II, Richard Fitz Nigel (vers 1130 - 1198), on peut lire: "par ses victoires le roi élargit (dilataverit) son empire au loin."
^The Angevin Empire page 5: "In these circumstances there is a danger of attributing England an importance which it may not have possessed. In one way England undeniably 'was' the most important part - it gave the ruler a royal crown. Since the first element in his title was then 'Rex Anglorum' this meant that the most convenient shorthand of referring to him was "king of England" or even - Frenchman though he was - as the English king, "il reis Engles".
^Martin Aurell- L'empire des Plantagenets page 11: De même en 1973, William L. Warren rejette explicitement l'expression "Empire", au nom du lien trop lâche unissant les différentes principautés territoriales gouvernées par Henri II; tout au plus admet-il l'existence d'un "Commonwealth", souple fédération regroupant sept "Dominions" autonomes, dont le seul point commun serait leur dépendance, à peine fondée sur la vassalité et le serment de fidélité, au roi.
^ abCapetian France 937 - 1328" Editions Longman page 74: "There was a hiatus between the Carolingian duchy and its successor that was assembled by Count of Poitou in the early tenth century..."
^Capetian France 937 - 1328 page 64: "Then in 1151 Henry Plantagenet paid hommage for the duchy to Louis VII in Paris, homage he repeated as king of England in 1156."
^John Gillingham: "The Angevin Empire" page 50: "... in 1169 Henry II ordered the construction of dykes to mark the line of the frontier."
^ abDavid Carpenter "The Struggle for Mastery" page 91: "But this absenteeism solidified rather than sapped royal government since it engendered structures both to maintain peace and extract money in the King's absence, money which was above all needed across the Channel."
^"Capetian France 937 - 1328" Editions Longman page 66: "Greater Anjou" is a modern expression, referring to the adjacent territories ruled by the counts of Anjou: these were Anjou, Maine, Touraine, Vendôme and Saintonge."
^Capetian France page 67: The Capetians were ultimately to reap the benefits of these devellopments after Anjou fell to Philip Augustus in 1203-4.
^Elizabeth M. Hallam & Judith Everard - Capetian France 987-1328 Editions Longman page 76: "Central political power was weak and society unusually lacking in hierarchy... Dukes William IX and William X made some headway, and later so too did Richard the Lionheart, but they were only partly successful."
^John Gillingham: "The Angevin Empire" page 30: "The history of Gascony furnished sufficient grounds on which he (Henry II) could have pushed claims to Lordship over Béarn, Bigorre, Comminges, Armagnac and Fezensac. But he seems to have made no effort to do so; indeed he allowed Béarn to slip into the orbit of Aragon and stay there."
^"Seán Duffy in Medieval Ireland observes that 'there is no contemporary depiction of it [the invasion] as Anglo-Norman or Cambro-Norman, or, for that matter, Anglo-French or Anglo-Continental. Such terms are modern concoctions, convenient shorthands, which serve to emphasize the undoubted fact that those who began to settle in Ireland at this point were not of any one national or ethnic origin' (pp 58-9)." Information retrieved from wikipedia's page on "Norman Ireland"
^ abThe Struggle for Mastery page 226: By the Treaty of Falaise in 1174 William was released, but in return for acknowledging that his kingdom was henceforth a fief held from the king of England. Henry was also to receive hommage and fealty from the earls and barons and other men of "the land of the king". All of this was to be guaranteed though the surrender by King William of the castles of Roxburgh, Berwick, Jedburgh,, Edinburgh and Sterling.
^John Gillingham "The Angevin Empire" page 24: "Increasingly over the next few years he behaved as though he (Henry II) were lord of Brittany, or at any rate of eastern Brittany, arranging Conan's marriage, appointing an archbishop of Dol and manipulating to his own advantage the inheritance customs of the Breton nobles."
^ ab"The Struggle for Mastery" page 215: "In 1171 Henry led a great army to Pembroke, whence he sailed for Ireland. This was a decisive moment in Welsh history. Henry's intervention in Ireland made the security of south Wales an absolute necessity. Had he met resistance he would doubtless have achieved it by force. Instead it was achieved by Rhys's immediate submission, a submission so spontaneous and dignified that it immediately won Henry's trust."
^The Angevin Empire page 58: Thus the revenue at the start of Henry II's reign, averaging about £10,500 a year during the three years 1156-58, was less than half that indicated by the one surviving pipe roll of Henry I's reign.
^ abThe Struggle for Mastery page 191: Henry II inherited a very different realm from that seized by Stephen nineteen years earlier. Royal revenue was down by two-thirds; royal lands, together with castles and sheriffdoms, had been granted away, often with hereditary rights; earldoms, often with semi-regal powers, had proliferated; control over the church had been shaken; the former royal bastion in South Wales had passed into the hands of barons and native rulers; and the far north of England was now subject to the king of the Scots.
^"Crises, Revolutions and Self-sustained Growth: Essays in European Fiscal History 1130 - 1830", editions Stamford. Section: "The Norman fiscal revolution, 1193-98" by V. Moss.
^"King John, new interpretations", editions S.D. Church. Section: "The English economy in the early thirteenth century" by J.L. Bolton.
^"The Angevin Empire" page 60: "In 1198, for example, both Caen and Rouen had to find more money than London."
^Capetian France page 227: "it (a surviving contemporary document) also demonstrates that the royal finances were operating by a well-established system."
^Capetian France page 227: "In the 1930s Lot and Fawtier deducted that if extra war revenues were discounted the ordinary revenues of Philip Augustus still amounted to more than the Plantagenets could raise, and that the French domain yielded more than all the Angevin lands put together."
^Carpenter, David. The Struggle for Mastery. p. 163. "It was in Boulogne that Stephen heard the news of Henry's death, while the empress, the old king's daughter and chosen successor, was far away in Anjou."
^Gillingham, John. The Angevin Empire. p. 16. "While Geoffrey held on the gains he had made in Normandy, in England Matilda was driven back almost to a square one."
^Capetian France page 158: "The campaign culminated with the burning of the church at Vitry, with 1,500 people caught in the flames, an event that apparently greatly horrified the king... Petit-Dutaillis has suggested that the burning of Vitry was a shock which transformed the king, and brought him under the influence of Bernard of Clairvaux and Suger instead of Eleanor of Aquitaine... When he had been on crusade there had been clear signs of growing rift between him and his wife Eleanor of Aquitaine, who was accused by contemporary chroniclers of lewd and improper behaviour and of showing an unnatural fondness for her uncle, Raymond of Antioch."
^"The Struggle for Mastery page 192: "Often 'crucified with anxiety' over crises in his dominions, in the words of his clerks, Roger of Howden, his speed of movement was legendary: 'The king of England is now in Ireland, now in England, now in Normandy, he seems rather to fly than to go by horse or ship' exclaimed Louis VII."
^The Struggle for Master page 193: "Henry spent 43 per cent of his reign in Normandy, 20 per cent elsewhere in France (mainly in Anjou, Maine and Touraine) and only 37 per cent in Britain."
^Duncan, p.72; Barrow, p. 47; William of Newburgh in SAEC, p. 239. Can also be found in other sources without much troubles.
^The Angevin Empire page 27: "Henry's response to the revolt of 1164 was to invade again, this time on a massive scale. According to the Welsh Chronicles of the Princes, in 1165 Henry gathered a "mighty host of the picked warriors of England and Normandy and Flanders and Anjou and Gascony and Scotland" (a catalogue which omitted the fleet hired from the Norses of Dublin) and his purpose was "to carry into bondage and to destroy all the Britons"."
^In 721 the Muslim army that crossed the Pyrenees was entirely destroyed in a disastrous siege. It was due, for a part, to the massive fortifications of the city.
^These castles are called the "Cathars Castles", yet they weren't built by the Cathars themselves. They were built to defend the area against southern invaders like the Caliphate or the Spanish Kingdoms.
^John Gillingham: "The Angevin Empire" pages 29 and 30, second edition, Arnold Editions
^Capetian France page 156: The English Walter Map, a harsh and satyrical critic of kings and clerics, nevertheless found much to praise in Louis.
^"The Angevin Empire" page 30-31: Louis's love of peace impressed all his contemporaries but, as king of the French, he could not honorably stand by while men who were his subjects and kinsmen were attacked.
^Capetian France page 162: In 1164 Louis VII gained another useful, although also rather embarrassing, ecclesiastical refugee in his lands. Archbishop Thomas Beckett fled to France from the wrath of Henry II and stayed first at Pontigny, then as Sens.
^Roger of Hoveden, Gesta Henrici II Benedicti Abbatis, vol. 1, p. 292... such information can be found in many other sources though.
^Capetian France page 164: Despite his achievement he was, however, far less popular with contemporaries; his personality does not seem to have been attractive.
^The Annals of Roger of Hoveden, vol. 2, trans. Henry T. Riley, London, 1853
^The Struggle for Mastery: With Richard in a hurry, a bargain was quickly struck. William gave £6,666 to recover the castles of Berwick and Roxburgh and free his realm from the subjection to England imposed in 1174.
^The Struggle for Mastery page 245: King Richard I, conqueror of Cyprus, crusader extraordinary (the sobriquet "Lionheart" was contemporary), spent less than six months of his ten-year reign in England.
^F. Delaborde: "Receuil des actes de Philipe Auguste".
^John France, "Western Warfare in the Age of the Crusades 1000-1300" London 1999.
^In the Kingdom of France each feudal states had its own laws, called customs, which often prevailed.
^The Angevin Empire, page 106: In a report sent back to England he wrote triumphantly on his success in bringing them to submit. What this actually meant was that he arranged a betrothal between his daughter Joan and Hugh of Lusignan's son, also called Hugh, and granted them Saintes, Saintonge, and Oléron until some permanent provision in Anjou and Touraine could be arranged. Some submission! In reality the Lusignans had been persuaded to change sides and had exacted a high price in return, including custody of Joan.
^John Gillingham "The Angevin Empire" Editions Arnorld page 107: This time it was on the beaches of England that John chose not to fight. With commendable efficiency and foresight he had mustered his army in the right place and at the right time but, when he saw Louis's troops disembarking at Sandwich on 22 May 1216, the comforts of his chambers at Winchester suddenly seemed irresistible.
^David Carpenter in "The Struggle for Mastery", page 299: On 21 May 1216 Louis landed in Kent. He brought several great French nobles and 1,200 knights, a formidable force that John feared to face. Louis took Rochester, entered a cheering London and then seized Winchester.
^David Carpenter in "The Struggle for Mastery, page 299" ... Carlisle was surrendered to Alexander who then came south to do homage to Louis for the Northern Counties.
^J. Boussard: "Le Gouvernement d'Henri II Plantagenêt" Editions Paris pages 527 to 532.
^Integral text, please see the section: "separation of England and Normandy".
^This is what Robert of Gloucester had written about the Norman ruling class of England: The Normans could then speak nothing but their own language, and spoke French as they did at home and also taught their children. So that the upper class of the country that is descended from them stick to the language they got from home, therefore unless a person knows French he is little thought of. But the lower classes stick to English and their own language even now. This comment is contemporary of the Angevin Empire and was originally made in English as Robert was half-Norman and half-English.
^"L'art Gothique", section: "L'architecture Gothique en Angleterre" by Ute Engel: L'Angleterre fut l'une des premieres régions à adopter, dans la deuxième moitié du XIIeme siècle, la nouvelle architecture gothique née en France. Les relations historiques entre les deux pays jouèrent un rôle prépondérant: en 1154, Henri II (1154-1189), de la dynastie Française des Plantagenêt, accéda au thrône d'Angleterre.
^David Carpenter: "The Struggle for Mastery" page 91: Absentee kings continued to spend at best half their time in England until the loss of Normandy in 1204.
^John Gillingham in the "Angevin Empire" page 1: Then the political centre of gravity had been in France; the Angevins were French princes who numbered England amongst their possessions.
^John Gillingham "The Angevin Empire" page 1 again: But from the 1220s and onwards the centre of gravity was clearly in England; the Plantagenets had become kings of England who occasionally visited Gascony.
"The Angevin Empire" John Gillingham著。この本には本項で使用された英文資料が広く使われている。
"L'Empire des Plantagenet" Martin Aurell著。フランス語で書かれた。2007年にDavid Crouchによって英語に翻訳された。
"Noblesse de l'espace Plantagenêt (1154-1224) Civilisations Medievales 11" Centre d'études supérieures de civilisation médiévale編。アンジュー朝の支配者に関するフランスとイギリスの学者達(Martin Aurellら)の様々なエッセイの集成。論文がフランス語と英語のバイリンガルであるが、同時ではない。
"The Plantagenet Chronicles" Elizabeth Hallam著。英語で書かれたアンジュー朝についての歴史本。